Guests - Rodney Glassman, Joel Strabala, Edward Bartlett
Rodney Glassman: Why Experience Is the Only Qualification That Matters for Attorney General
Rodney Glassman, Republican candidate for Arizona Attorney General, used his segment to do something his campaign has been built around: contrast his prosecutorial record directly against both the incumbent he wants to replace and the primary opponent he has to get past first.
Glassman opened with the Supreme Court's ruling upholding states' right to ban biological males from competing in girls' sports — a case with a specifically Arizona dimension. The state already had a law on the books prohibiting exactly that. When Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Horne asked Attorney General Kris Mayes to enforce it, she refused. So Horne fought the lawsuit brought by two large New York law firms alone, funding the defense out of the Department of Education's own budget. The Supreme Court ultimately ruled in his favor. Glassman's point was surgical: the ruling matters, but it only matters when the law on the books is actually enforced. "The reminder of the importance of having someone with experience that can beat Kris Mayes this November," he said. Tom Horne, he noted, is one of his campaign co-chairs, and Maricopa County Sheriff Jerry Sheridan is another — two endorsements he presented as a statement about what the job actually requires.
On prosecution, Glassman offered his record directly: drug dealers, financial crimes, sexual assault. He led one of the largest travel fraud investigations in Air Force history at Davis-Monthan Air Force Base around 2010 and 2011, involving more than two dozen personnel and irregularities in travel vouchers. He noted that after a clean elections debate in Phoenix in which his primary opponent failed to demonstrate comparable experience, he released his full 17 years of military records and decorations at RodneyGlassman.com so voters could evaluate the contrast themselves.
The structural case Glassman made for why prosecutorial experience specifically matters is tied to a function of the AG's office that most voters don't think about: when a criminal is convicted and sentenced at the county level and then appeals that sentence, that appeal goes to the state, and the attorney general runs the appellate division that handles it. "We have an attorney general in Kris Mayes who hates prosecutors, who hates law enforcement," Glassman said. "When a criminal appeals their conviction and their sentence, Kris Mayes goes with the criminal." He described withdrawing Arizona from all 42 of Mayes's "lawfare lawsuits" against the Trump administration as his first act on day one, followed by rescinding what he called political indictments.
He also surfaced a legislative problem he attributed directly to his primary opponent's lack of legal experience. House Concurrent Resolution 2040, intended to target teachers' union organizing rights, was written so sloppily — failing to include the words "teachers union" in the operative language — that it will now also affect the collective bargaining rights of police and firefighters negotiating with local municipalities over their safety conditions. Police and firefighter unions, he said, are now publicly committed to funding a "vote no on everything" campaign in November rather than risk losing their own negotiating power, which means the election-integrity issue the resolution was paired with will likely go down with it. "Because of a lack of experience, because of a lack of looking at details, because of a lack of understanding the law by my primary opponent, we are now as a state going to lose out most likely on having the chance to clean up our election laws," Glassman said. "That's why experience matters."
On the Supreme Court's election law ruling — which addressed when ballots can be counted relative to election day — Glassman connected it to the same underlying argument: Arizona already has laws governing ballot harvesting (illegal), drop box monitoring (required), and chain of custody (essential), and none of them are being enforced. "We have an attorney general right now who's suing the Cochise County Board of Supervisors in southern Arizona for having the audacity to count their own ballots," he said. Billy Cloud, the Cochise County recorder, has endorsed Glassman specifically because of that contrast. On fentanyl deaths: Arizona is one of only two states in the country where they're still rising — up over 20% — and the only state where they've risen by that margin. "It's Arizona because we have an attorney general who's never been a prosecutor," Glassman said. "We have an attorney general who cares more about open border policies and denuding our law enforcement than protecting our kids."
He closed with a direct ask: the Republican primary for attorney general on July 21st is not an abstract ideological contest. It's a hiring decision. The winner faces Kris Mayes in November. "I need your listeners to decide if they want to hire an attorney with experience to protect their families, or if they want a guy that got their law license 28 months ago." Voters can reach his campaign at RodneyGlassman.com; yard signs available at Pima County Republican headquarters read "Protect Cops and Kids."
Joel Strabala: Ballots, Drop Boxes, Deadlines, and What's New This Cycle
Joel Strabala, LD17 Republican chairman and Pima County Election Integrity Commission member, walked listeners through the mechanics of the current primary with the detail of someone who has read every procedural update from the recorder's office this cycle.
The biggest substantive change this election is the ID-verification option for early ballots. Under the new process, a voter can bring their mail ballot to any early voting center, present ID, and have their affidavit envelope stamped "ID verified." Those ballots skip the signature verification process entirely and move directly to tabulation. For ballots brought into an early voting center, the speed-up is meaningful: they go straight into a bin, get mailed to the elections department, are opened and ready to tabulate. For ballots brought in on election day itself, they also bypass signature verification but still require physical opening by the ballot processing team, meaning they won't be counted on election night — but will almost certainly be tabulated the following day. "It will cut several tens of seconds out of processing of each ballot," Strabala said. "When you talk several hundred thousand ballots, that's a lot of time."
On key deadlines: July 10th is the last day to request a mail-in ballot if you're not already on the permanent early voting list. July 15th is the last day to mail your ballot back with any guarantee of delivery before the 21st. Ballots must physically be received at the elections department or an authorized drop location by 7 p.m. on Tuesday, July 21st. Independents who want to vote in the Republican primary must specifically request a Republican ballot — it doesn't come automatically.
Strabala disclosed breaking news on drop boxes: three new unattended drop boxes have been added in Pima County since the recorder published the list on June 25th. They are located at the Pascua Yaqui Tribal Chambers on South Camino de Oeste, the Sells post office at 1 Main Street in Sells, and the Sahuarita Town Hall at 375 West Sahuarita Center Way. The existing large drop box on East Broadway across from the Gaslight Theater has been upgraded from a 1,600-ballot capacity to 5,600 ballots. Two drop boxes at 240 North Stone downtown — one drive-up, one walk-up — have cameras. Strabala noted that when he checked, the three new locations' camera status had not been publicly confirmed. Arizona law, he clarified, does not currently require video monitoring at ballot drop boxes — a gap he and Winn agreed needs to be addressed in statute.
He also confirmed the mobile voting center's schedule: Ajo on July 14th, Three Points on July 16th, Tohono Plaza in Sells on July 17th and 18th, and Marana on July 20th. Crucially, it will not visit Green Valley — a community where Republican voter turnout runs between 85 and 87 percent and which has seen its polling locations reduced from 13 to just 3 this cycle. Strabala traced the reduction to homeowners associations in the area declining to host voting centers — citing potential insurance liability concerns — and said the elections department was unable to find sufficient replacement sites meeting all accessibility and security requirements. Winn called the outcome functionally disenfranchising at scale: "If you have 13, you should at least have six or seven."
Observer slots remain open across Pima County for the week of July 13th through 18th. Oro Valley shifts in LD17 are covered; early voting sites in Tucson, on Broadway, and downtown are not. Mobile voting center observer slots have received no sign-ups at all. Strabala directed anyone interested to PimaGOP.org. He closed with a write-in reminder for Supervisor District 5: Jeff Rhodes — J-E-F-F R-H-O-D-E-S — requires both a correctly written name and a filled-in bubble to count. Write the name, fill the bubble. Both. With roughly 7,500 Republican ballots returned out of 179,000 registered Republicans in Pima County as of the broadcast, Strabala said the trajectory is encouraging but the work is far from done.
Edward Bartlett: Feminist Ideology, Fertility, and the Data Nobody Wants to Cite
Edward Bartlett, president of DAVIA — the Domestic Abuse and Violence International Alliance — joined the final segment to discuss what he described as the cultural and ideological roots of a set of interconnected crises: falling fertility rates, rising male disengagement, the mental health collapse among young women, and the weaponization of domestic violence statistics against men.
Bartlett's diagnosis is rooted in what he sees as a fundamental gap between what modern feminist ideology claims to pursue and what it actually produces. The stated goal is gender equality, he said, but the operational ideology increasingly pursues uniform outcomes — a Marxist premise that all distinctions between men and women, in earnings, in roles, in social position, must be erased. "Karl Marx wanted to completely level society, have no social distinctions between male or female, social classes, et cetera," Bartlett said, framing the contemporary gender debate as a direct continuation of that project under different language.
The fertility data he presented first: the United States' birth rate has fallen to 1.6 children per woman, well below the 2.1 replacement threshold. Schools closing across Arizona and nationwide, he said, are a direct downstream effect — fewer children being born means fewer students to fill classrooms, a reality TUSD's enrollment collapse has already made visible locally. He connected the fertility decline explicitly to the cultural shift around family formation, pointing to 2018 as the inflection point when near-universal smartphone access among young people began accelerating ideological radicalization alongside hypersexualization.
His most striking data point came from a 2020 Pew Research survey: 56% of young liberal women reported having been told by a doctor or healthcare provider that they have a mental health condition. No other demographic group — older persons, men, conservative women — came close. "Something with feminism is not just well... it affirms what you said, but looking at it on a broader perspective, more than half of young liberal women have a mental health problem to me is stunning," Bartlett said. "That reflects the fact that feminism is more about victimizing women than helping or liberating women."
On domestic violence specifically, Bartlett cited CDC data that he said consistently contradicts the narrative that domestic violence is primarily a problem of male perpetrators and female victims. According to the surveys he referenced, there are roughly equal numbers of male and female victims of domestic violence. Approximately half of all domestic violence incidents are mutual — meaning both parties are physically involved. And domestic violence rates in lesbian relationships are substantially higher than in either heterosexual or male homosexual relationships. None of these findings, he said, feature in mainstream discourse about the issue. "Feminists will never admit that fact," he said of the lesbian relationship data. "Again, this comes from the Centers for Disease Control."
On the source and spread of these ideologies, Bartlett pointed to UN Women — an agency of the United Nations — as a primary institutional engine, tracing that body's active promotion of legalized prostitution for women as an economic empowerment strategy to the same ideological framework that promotes biological males in women's sports and the erasure of sex-based distinctions generally. Winn drew the line between the abstract policy conversation and the lived reality she has encountered in her own decades of work against sex trafficking: "I know over 100 survivors of trafficking, of prostitution, and some of them have come out of it on the other side, but after great work on themselves." She was direct about what legalized prostitution actually means in practice — 99% of buyers are men, the trade is run by criminal networks with no interest in the welfare of participants, and the average age of people being exploited trends younger, not older, over time. "Having women sell their bodies is not a step forward. It is a huge step back."
Bartlett identified three recurring rhetorical weapons used against men in public discourse — patriarchy, domestic violence framing, and toxic masculinity — and argued that all three rest on empirically false premises. Patriarchal oppression, in his telling, cannot credibly explain why men die five years earlier than women, are underrepresented in college enrollment by a growing margin, and make up 72% of the homeless population. "If there really was such a thing as a patriarchy, with all-powerful patriarchs running around, well, these patriarchs have done a pretty poor job because how did they allow all these men to decide to not go to college?" he said. The downstream effect of the sustained campaign against masculinity, he argued, is a generation of young men who have simply opted out — no longer engaging with institutions, relationships, or civic life. "They're tired of being vilified and made fun of. So they're sort of staying on their own until the coast is clear."
Winn connected the broader pattern to the assassination of Charlie Kirk, whom she knew personally and credited with doing "literally amazing work" advocating for traditional values and driving a resurgence of young men returning to churches and faith communities. His death, she argued, underscores exactly why the cultural fight he was leading cannot be abandoned — the moment of momentum with young men must be met with sustained outreach rather than allowed to dissipate without the voices that helped create it.
Bartlett's prescription was not policy-driven but attitudinal: honestly audit whether the claims driving the current cultural conversation are factually true, celebrate rather than merely tolerate the biological and psychological differences between men and women, and rebuild a social environment in which men and women are encouraged toward rather than away from each other. He shared that his own engagement with these issues began personally — he grew up in Colorado Springs in what he described as an abusive household where the primary abuser was his mother, a reality that made the media's reflexive male-perpetrator framing feel false from early in his life and eventually drove him to look at the actual data. "I hope to help others, both men and women, to see the reality of what's going on," he said. "And in doing that, I think that is healing."